Thursday, August 8, 2013


Born: 19 July 1827 
Martyrdom: 8 April 1857
Achievements: A sepoy working under the British East India Company, Mangal Pandey's name got etched into the pages of the Indian history after he attacked his senior British officers in an incident, which is today remembered as the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 or the India's First War of Independence. The reason behind this was the rumor that the cartridges used by Indian sepoys were greased with the fat of cow and pig. 

Mangal Pandey, whose name is often preceded by Shaheed meaning a martyr in Hindi, was an Indian soldier during the pre-independence era. A member of the 34th Regiment of the Bengal native infantry of the East India Company, Mangal Pandey is counted among the most popular figures associated with India's freedom struggle in present times. He was born on 19 July 1827 in the Nagwa village in the Ballia district of the Uttar Pradesh state. There still exist families in this village who claim to the descendents of Mangal Pandey. 

However, some disputes exist over the exact place where Mangal Pandey was born. So read on to know more about the biography of Mangal Pandey, who joined the sepoy force of the British East India Company in the year 1849 at the age of 22. His name got etched into the pages of the Indian history after he attacked his senior British officers in an incident, which is today called the Sepoy Mutiny of 1857 or the India's First War of Independence. Due to this, he was later captured and hung till death on 8 April in 1857. 

Here's more about the life history of Mangal Pandey, who was a devout Hindu and practiced his religion strictly. It was rumored that the cartridge used in the Enfield P-53 rifle which was being used by the Indian sepoys was greased with the fat of pig and cow fat. These cartridges had to be bitten off in order to remove the cover prior use and this went against the religious beliefs of the Muslims and Hindus. The general opinion was that the Britishers had deliberately done this to hurt the sentiments of Indians. And this was the main reason behind the outburst of Pandey's anger.

Mangal Pandey

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Monday, July 29, 2013



Ashfaqulla Khan, a great freedom fighter, was born in Shahjahanpur, Uttar Pradesh in 1900. He was the son of Shafiqullah Khan. He was great revolutionary and martyr who sacrificed for the independence of the country. His name is written in golden letters in the history of India.
Ashfaqullah was the member of the revolutionary group whose leader was Ramparsad Bismil. He was best friend of Ramprasad Bismil who also belonged to Shahjahanpur.
Ramprasad was Aryasamaj and Ashfaq was a devout Muslim but their aim was one and same that was to get their motherland liberated from the bonds of foreign rule. They were so devoted to their cause that they chose to be hanged rather than bow down before the foreigners.
The friendship between Ashfaq and Bismil was so deep that once Ashafaq fell ill and had severe fever and under high temperature he was muttering Ram, Ram, and my Ram. Ashfaq’s parents thought that Ashfaq is over­powered by some evil spirits since he was muttering the name of Ram a Hindu Lord.
His parents called a neighbour who told them that Ashfaq is not muttering name of Hindu Lord Ram but in fact Ashfaq was remembering his best friend Ram Prasad Bismil whom he used to address as Ram. Bismil was called and then Ashfaq stopped muttering Ram. Both hugged each other.
Alongwith Sachindra Nath Sanyal Ram Prasad Bismil and Ashfaqullah founded The Hindustan Republican Association. The Association published a manifesto called Krantikari in 1925. Both Ramprasad and Ashfaqullah conceived the famous Kakori Train bribery with the objective of getting money for carrying out their revolutionary activities.
On August 9, 1925, the train from Shahjahanpur to Lucknow was approaching Kakori Ashfaq boarded the second class compartment with his friends Sachindra Bakshi and Rajendra Laheri.
Ashfaq noticed money bags being taken into guard’s van and being dropped into iron safe. Ashfaq alone together with his friends Sachindra Bakshi, Rajendra Lahiri and Bismil broke the lack of iron safe, took the money and fled. For about a month none of the revolutionaries could be arrested but British government was determined to arrest the culprits.
On 26th September 1925 Bismil was arrested Ashfaq escaped. Any how he reached Delhi where he met a Pathan friend who also hailed from Shahjahanpur. Pathan fell on the greed of money which the Britishers had announced on Ashfaq’s head and sounded the Police which arrested Ashfaq next morning.
When Ashfaq was in jail, the Superintendent of Police who was Muslim came to Ashfaq and said to him, “Ashfaq I am also Muslim. I can get you
released if you become government approver and give testimony against Bismil. He is Hindu and wants to established the rule of Hindus in India; you should part ways with him.” Ashfaq got enraged and replied “I warn you, never utter such words Ramprasad is my brother. I would rather die under the rule of Hindus than to live under British rule.
A committee consisting a Jawahar Lai Nehru and G. B. Pant was formed to defend Ashfaq and Bismil in Kakori train robbery case but its efforts to save revolutionaries in the court of justice failed. Appeals were made to Viceroy to convert his death sentence into life sentence.
Privacy Council was approached. But all efforts went in vain. Britishers did not relent. Ashfaqullah, Bismil, Rajendra Lahiri and Roshan Singh were given death sentence. Others were given life sentences.
The entire country protested against death sentences. On 19th December 1927, Ashfaqullah Khan was hanged to death at a jail in Faizabad Ashfaqs last words were “My hands are not soiled with the murder of men. God will give me justice.”
“Shaheedon ki Chitaon par lagaingay har Baras mailey, Watan par Marne walon ka yahee baqui nishan hoga” (Every year fairs will held at the tombs of martyrs, this will be the only surviving sign of those who died for the nation.)
When Gandhiji launched Non Cooperation Movement in 1921 and asked the people not to pay taxes, the revolutionaries like Ashfaq and Bismil actively participated in that movement and whole heartedly supported Gandhiji’s efforts to liberate India from foreign rule.

Ashfaqulla Khan

Posted by Unknown
Saturday, July 27, 2013
 



Swami Vivekananda was one of the most influential spiritual leaders of Vedanta philosophy. He was the chief disciple of Ramakrishna Paramahansa and was the founder of Ramakrishna Math and Ramakrishna Mission. Swami Vivekananda was the living embodiment of sacrifice and dedicated his life to the country and yearned for the progress of the poor, the helpless and the downtrodden. He showed a beacon of light to a nation that had lost faith in its ability under British rule and inspired self-confidence among Indians that they are second to none. His ringing words and masterful oratory galvanized the slumbering nation.

Swami Vivekananda real name was Narendranath Dutta. He was born on January12, 1863 in Calcutta. His father's name was Vishwanath Dutta and his mother's name Bhuvaneswari Devi. Narendranath acquired the name of Swami Vivekananda when he became a monk.

As a child Narendra was very lively and naughty. He was good in studies as well as in games. He studied instrumental and vocal music and also practiced meditation from a very early age. Even when Narendra was young he questioned the validity of superstitious customs and discrimination based on caste and religion. As a child Narendra had great respect for sanyasis (ascetics). He would give away anything to anybody if asked for. Whenever a beggar asked for alms, he would give him anything he had. Thus from childhood Narendra had the spirit of sacrifice and renunciation.

In 1879, Narendra passed matriculation and entered Presidency College, Calcutta. After one year, he joined the Scottish Church College, Calcutta and studied philosophy. He studied western logic, western philosophy and history of European nations. As he advanced in his studies, his thinking faculty developed. Doubts regarding existence of God started to arise in Narendra's mind. This made him associate with the Brahmo Samaj, an important religious movement of the time, led by Keshab Chandra Sen. But the Samaj's congregational prayers and devotional songs could not satisfy Narendra's zeal to realise God.

During this time Narendra came to know of Sri Ramakrishna Pramahans of Dakshineswar. Sri Ramakrishna was a priest in the temple of Goddess Kali. He was not a scholar. But he was a great devotee. It was being said of him that he had realized God. Once, Narendra went to Dakshineswar to with his friends see him. He asked Ramakrishna, whether he had seen God. The instantaneous answer from Ramakrishna was, "Yes, I have seen God, just as I see you here, only in a more clear sense." Narendra was astounded and puzzled. He could feel the man's words were honest and uttered from depths of experience. He started visiting Ramakrishna frequently.

It was in Narendra's nature to test something thoroughly before he could accept it. He would not accept Ramakrishna as his guru without a test. Ramakrishna used to say that, in order to realize God, one should give up the desire for money and women. One day Narendra hid a rupee under his pillow. Sri Ramakrishna, who had gone out, came into the room and stretched himself on the cot. At once he jumped up as if bitten by a scorpion. When he shook the mattress, the rupee coin fell down. Later he came to know that it was the doing of Narendra. Narendra accepted Sri Ramakrishna as his guru and took training under him for five years in the Advaita Vedanta, the philosophy of non-dualism. Sri Ramakrishna passed away in 1886 and nominated Narendra as his successor. After his death Narendra and a core group of Ramakrishna's disciples took vows to become monks and renounce everything, and started living in a supposedly haunted house in Baranagore.

In 1890, Narendra set out on a long journey. He covered the length and breadth of the country. He visited Varanasi, Ayodhya, Agra, Vrindavan, Alwar etc. Narendra acquired the name of Swami Vivekananda during the journey. It is said that he was given the name Vivekananda by Maharaja of Khetri for his discrimination of things, good and bad. During his journey, Vivekananda stayed at king's palaces, as well as at the huts of the poor. He came in close contact with the cultures of different regions of India and various classes of people in India. Vivekananda observed the imbalance in society and tyranny in the name of caste. He realised the need for a national rejuvenation if India was to survive at all.

Swami Vivekananda reached Kanyakumari, the southernmost tip of the Indian subcontinent on December24, 1892. He swam across the sea and started meditating on a lone rock. He meditated for three days and said later that he meditated about the past, present and future of India. The rock is presently popular as Vivekananda memorial and is a major tourist destination.

In 1893, Swami Vivekananda went to America to attend the Conference of World Religions in Chicago. He earned wild applause for beginning his address with the famous words, "Sisters and brothers of America." Swamiji mesmerized everyone in America with his masterful oratory. Wherever he went, he dwelt at length on the greatness of Indian Culture. He spoke with spontaneous ease on every topic, be it History, Sociology, Philosophy or Literature. He deplored the malicious propaganda that had been unleashed by the Christian missionaries in India. Swami Vivekananda also went to England. Many people became his disciples. Most famous among them was Margaret Nivedita'. She came to India and settled here.

Swami Vivekananda returned to India in 1897 after four years of touring in the West. He started disseminating the message of spiritual development among Indians. He realized that social service was possible only through the concerted efforts on an organized mission. To achieve this objective, Swami Vivekananda started Sri Ramakrishna Mission in 1897 and formulated its ideology and goal. During the next two years he bought a site at Belur on the banks of the Ganga, constructed the buildings and established the Ramakrishna Mutt. He once again toured the West from January 1899 to December 1900.

Swami Vivekananda died on July4, 1902 at Belur Mutt near Calcutta.

Swami Vivekananda

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Vinoba stands as a symbol for the struggle of the good against the evil, of spiritual against the mundane. He was a spiritual visionary, whose spirituality had a pragmatic stance with intense concern for the deprived. He was a brilliant scholar who could knowledge accessible to ordinary people. He was Gandhi's ardent follower, who could retain originality in thinking. As S. Radhakrishnan pointed out, "Indeed his life represents harmonious blend of learning, spiritual perception and compassion for the lowly and the lost." His Bhoodan (Gift of the Land) movement started on April 18, 1951, he attracted the attention of the world. Untouched by publicity and attention, Vinoba had continued his efforts for a just and equitable society. In fact, his life is a saga of his commitment to nonviolent ways of bringing change, his yearning for the highest level of spirituality and his unwavering faith in human values and love.
Vinoba was born in a Brahmin family on September 11, 1895 at the village of Gagoda in Kolaba district of Maharashtra. He was named Vinayak at birth and was influenced by his mother Rukmini Devi, a religious woman. His younger brother, Balkoba Shivaji, remained unmarried and adopted a life of renunciation and service to humanity like him.
Vinoba, well-read in the writings of Maharashtra's saints and philosophers at a young age and deeply interested in Mathematics, was attracted to the core of learning. Naturally, the routine course-work was not enough to quench his thirst for knowledge. His two years in the college remained full of internal uneasiness and agitation. Early in 1916, he put his school and college certificate in a fire on his way to Mumbai in March 1916 to appear for the intermediate examination. He took a fateful decision not to reach Mumbai, but to reach Varanasi (also called Kashi, then called Benaras). This decision was motivated by his longing to attain the imperishable and all pervading Brahma. He got into the study of ancient Sanskrit test.
The report in the newspapers about Gandhi's speech at the newly founded Benaras Hindu University attracted Vinoba's attention. He wrote a letter to Gandhi. After an exchange of letters, Gandhi advised Vinoba to come for a personal meeting at Kochrab Ashram in Ahmedabad.
Vinoba went and met Gandhi on June 7, 1916. This meeting changed the course of Vinoba's life. He had said later "When I was in Kashi, my main ambition was to go to the Himalayas. Also there was an inner longing to visit Bengal. But neither of the two dreams could realise. Providence took me to Gandhi and I found in him not only the peace of the Himalayas but also the burning fervor of resolution, typical of Bengal. I said to myself that both of my desires had been fulfilled. Over the years, the bond between Vinoba and Gandhi grew stronger. Vinoba participated with keen interest in the activities at Gandhi's ashram, like teaching, studying, spinning and improving the life of the community.
Asked by Gandhi to take charge of the ashram at Wardha, Vinoba went to Wardha on April 8, 1921. In 1923, he brought out `Maharashtra Dharma', a monthly in Marathi (regional language), which had his essays on the Upanishads. Later on, this monthly became a weekly and continued for three years. His articles on the Abhangas of Sant Tukaram (a saint poet) published in it became popular. A time passed Vinoba continued his search for the self which task him to spiritual heights. His involvement with Gandhi's constructive programmes related to Khadi, village industries, new education (Nai Talim), sanitation and hygiene also kept on increasing.
In December 23, 1932, he shifted to Nalwadi (a village about two miles from Wardha town), from where he experimented his idea of supporting himself by spinning alone. Later, when he was sick in 1938, he shifted to what he called Paramdham Ashram in Paunar, which remained his headquarters.
Vinoba's involvement in the freedom movement during this period remained. In 1923, he was jailed for months at Nagda jail and Akola jail for taking a prominent part in the flag satyagraha at Nagpur. In 1925, he was sent by Gandhi to Vykon (in Kerala) to supervise the entry of the Harijans to the temple. In 1932, he was jailed for six months to Dhulia for raising his voice against the British rule. In 1940, he was selected by Gandhi as the first individual satyagrahi. He was jailed thrice during 1940-41 for individual satyagraha at Nagpur jails; first time for three months, second time for six months and third time for one year. Vinoba was not known nationally when Gandhi selected him for individual satyagraha. Gandhi had issued a statement on October 5, 1940 introducing Vinoba. It was stated there that "Vinoba believes in the necessity of the political independence of India. He is an accurate student of history. But he believes that real independence of the villagers is impossible without the constructive programme of which khadi is the centre." Vinoba took part in the Quit India movement of 1942 for which he got an imprisonment of three years at Vellore and Seoni jails.
The jails for Vinoba had become the places of reading and writing. He saw the proofs of his book `Gitai' (Marathi translation of Gita) in the Dhulia jail. Lectures given by him on Gita to the colleagues in the Dhulia jail collected by Sane Guruji were later published as a book. Writing of the book "Swarajya Shastra" (the treatise of self rule) and the collection of the bhajans (religious songs) of the saint Gyaneshwar, Eknath and Namdev were completed. In Nagpur jail, `Ishavasyavritti' and `Sthitaprajna Darshan' were written in the Seoni jail. Four languages of the South India were learnt by Vinoba at Vellore jail and the script of Lok Nagari was also created here after research. His writings covering diverse areas of religion, philosophy, education and Sarvi are thought provoking and yet accessible to the common people. The popularity of his writings has proved his ability to relate to the people. The competence of this multi-lingual scholar as an editor was also of high order as displayed by his editing of `Maharashtra Dharma' (mentioned earlier), Sarvodaya(in Hindi) and Sevak(in Marathi).
In March 1948, Gandhi's followers and constructive workers met at Sevagram. The idea of Sarvodaya Samaj (society) surfaced and started getting acceptance. Vinoba got busy with activities which would sooth the wounds of the partition of the nation. In the beginning of 1950, he launched the programme of kanchan-mukti (freedom from dependence on gold, i.e. money) and Rishi-Kheti (cultivation without the use of bullocks as was practised by Rishis, i.e. the sages of ancient times). In April 1951, after attending the Sarvodaya conference at Shivnampalli, he started his peace-trek on foot through the violence-torn region of Telangana(now in Andhra Pradesh). The disturbances were caused by the communists. On April 18, 1951, his meeting with the villagers at Pochampalli opened a new chapter in the history of non-violent struggle. The Harijans of the village told him that they needed 80 acres of land to make a living. Referring to this, Vinoba asked the villagers if they could do something to solve this problem. To everybody's surprise, Ram Chandra Reddy, a landlord, got up and showed his willingess to give 100 acres of land. This incident, unplanned and unheard, showed a way to solve the problem of the landless. The Bhoodan(Gift of the Land)movement was launched.
The response to the movement was spontaneous. In Telangana, the gift of land averaged 200 acres of land per day. On the journey from Pavnar to Delhi, the average gift was 300 acres a day. Vinoba had put five crore acre as the target. While walking in Uttar Pradesh in May 1952, Vinoba received the gift of the whole village of Mangrath. This meant the people were prepared to all their land for the benefit of all the villagers, not as individual bhoodan, but as community Gramdan (Gift of the Village). Vinoba received 23 lakh of land in Bihar, while walking from September 1952 to December 1954. Orissa, Tamil Nadu and Kerala contributed significantly to Gramdan. Vinoba firmly believed that, "We must establish the independent power of the people - this is to say, we must demonstrate a power opposed to the power of violence and other than the power to punish. The people are our God." Connected with Bhoodan and Gramdan, there were other programs. Important of these were Sampatti-Dan (Gift of the Wealth), Shramdan (Gift of the Labour), Shanti Sena (Army for Peace), Sarvodaya-Patra (the pot where every household gives daily handful of grain) and Jeevandan (Gift of Life). Jayprakash Narayan in 1954 gave the gift of his life. Vinoba acknowledged it by giving the gift of his life.
Vinoba knew the strength of the padayatra (march on foot). He walked for 13 years throughout India. He had left Paunar on September 12, 1951 and returned on April 10, 1964. He started his Toofan Yatra (journey with the speed of high-velocity wind), using a vehicle, in Bihar in July 1965, which lasted for almost four years. He covered thousands of miles, addressed thousands of meetings and mobilized the people cutting the barriers of caste, class, language and religion. Some dacoits from the notorious Chambal Valley (a hideout of dacoits in the northern India) surrendered themselves to Vinoba in May 1960. For Vinoba, it was a victory of nonviolence.
On June 7, 1966, 50 years after his meeting with Gandhi, Vinoba announced that he was feeling a strong urge to free himself from outer visible activities and enter inward hidden form of spiritual action. After traveling through India, he returned to Paunar on November 2, 1969 and on October 7, 1970, he announced his decision to stay in one place. He observed a year of silence from December 25, 1974 to December 25, 1975. In 1976, he undertook a fast to stop the slaughter of cows. His spiritual pursuits intensified as he withdrew from the activities. He breathed his last on November 15, 1982 at this ashram.
Vinoba's contribution to the history of nonviolent movement remains significant. It has to be admitted, however, that the achievement of Bhoodan - Gramdan movement in the material terms was much below the expected target. According to an estimate in total 41,94,270acres was obtained, and the land actual distributed according to 1975 statistics was 12,85,738 acres. 18,57,398 acres was found unfit for distribution. Some of the remaining land got entangled in legal hassles and some was deserved to be written off. As against it has to be noted that Vinoba's movement rekindled faith in non-violence and human values advocated by Gandhi. It presented an alternative to violence and a vision of non-violent society. It raised important questions regarding inequality prevalent in the society. Vinoba saw the land as the gift of God like air, water, sky and sunshine. He connected science with spirituality and the autonomous village with the world movement. He regarded the power of the people superior than power of the state. Many of his ideas remain relevant and inspiring in the strife-ridden modern times.

Vinoba Bhave

Posted by Unknown
Friday, July 26, 2013


Madan Lal Dhingra (1883 – 1909) was an Indian freedom fighter, political activist, a revolutionary studying in England. There he killed Sir William Hutt Curzon Wyllie, a British official. It is hailed as one of the first acts of revolution in the Indian independence movement in the 20th century.
Madan Lal Dhingra was born on 18  Sept 1883 in a rich Hindu family of doctors in 1883 in Amritsar in the province of  Punjab. His father was a wealthy  eye specialist and Civil Surgeon of Amritsar. Some say he was the first Indian doctor to reach that eminent position.  Madan Lal’s father, Dr Dhingra had seven sons in all: Kundanlal ( a businessman ), Dr Mohanlal, Dr Biharilal (MRCP 1895), Chamanlal (Barrister from Middle Temple 1899), Chunilal, MADANLAL and Bhajanlal (Barrister from Grays Inn 1911).

Dhingra’s family were loyalists of the British, and disowned him after his expulsion from college in Lahore owing to illicit political activities. Dhingra had to work as a clerk, a Tonga (rickshaw) puller, and a factory labourer. Dhingra attempted to organize a union there, but was sacked. He worked for sometime in Bombay before acting upon the advice of his elder brother and going to England for higher studies.

Madanlal Dhingra studied for Diploma in Civil Engineering at University College, London from 1906-09 (it is interesting to note that Dadabhai Naoroji was Professor of Gujarati in this college from 1856 to 1866. Ravindranath Tagore studied English Literature at the same college during 1878-1880. Dhingra’s elder brother Dr Biharilal passed MRCP from University College Hospital in 1895).  Here he came in contact with Savarkar at India House. (This house at 65 Cromwell Avenue, London was purchased by Shyamji Krishnavarma in 1905.  It was to be used as a students’ hostel.)

Madan Lal Dhingra

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Ram Prasad Bismil was an Indian revolutionary who participated in Mainpuri Conspiracy of 1918, and the Kakori conspiracy of 1925, both against British Empire. As well as being a freedom fighter, he was also a patriotic poet. Ram, Agyat and Bismil were known as his pen names which he used in Urdu and Hindi poetry. But, he became popular with the last name "Bismil" only. He was associated with Arya Samaj where he got inspiration from Satyarth Prakash, a book written by Swami Dayanand Saraswati. He also had a confidential connection with Lala Har Dayal through his guru Swami Somdev, who was a renowned preacher of Arya Samaj.

Bismil was one of the founder members of the revolutionary organisation Hindustan Republican Association. Bhagat Singh praised him as a great poet-writer of Urdu and Hindi, who had also translated the books Catherine from English and Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot from Bengali. Several inspiring patriotic verses are attributed to him. The famous poem "Sarfaroshi ki Tamanna" is also popularly attributed to him, although some progressive writers have remarked that 'Bismil' Azimabadi actually wrote the poem and Ram Prasad Bismil immortalized it.

Early life

Ram Prasad Bismil was born at Shahjahanpur, a historical city of Uttar Pradesh (U.P.) in a religious Hindu family of Murlidhar and Moolmati.

Grandfather's migration

His grandfather Narayan Lal was migrated from his ancestral village Barbai and settled at a very distant place Shahjahanpur in U.P. Barbai was situated on the bank of river Chambal in Tomardhar region of the then estate of Gwalior in the British period. This village is now in the Murena district of Madhya Pradesh.

Father's efforts to educate the son

His father, Murlidhar, was living in Khirni Bag Mohalla of Shahjahanpur city, where Ram was born. In childhood, Ram was sent to a local primary school but he was very much adamant to learn Hindi because of an Hindi alphabet "u" which was taught as 'u' for 'owl'.

In Urdu School
When his father Murlidhar could not make him learn "u" in spite of every effort, he decided to educate Ram through Urdu medium and he was admitted in Islamia School of Shahjahanpur. As he grew up, he associated with bad students and read romantic poetry books and cheap novels that undermined his academic work.

Admitted in English school

When he failed twice in 7th standard of Urdu, he was admitted to an English school called Mission School of the city. After passing 8th standard from Mission School in First Division, he was admitted to the Government School in Shahjahanpur. While studying in this school, he kept his pen-name as 'Bismil' and continued writing patriotic poetry. He became popular by the name Bismil amongst his class mates.

Contact with Somdev

When he was a student of 9th class, he read in newspaper a news about the death sentence of Bhai Parmanand, a famous scholar and companion of Lala Har Dayal. Bismil was 18 years old at that time. In those days he used to go to the Arya Samaj Temple of Shahjahanpur daily, where Swami Somdev, a friend of Bhai Paramanand, was staying. A revengeful anger had burst out in the mind of Bismil through this incident. He composed a poem in Hindi titled "My Birth" (hi. mera janm) and showed it to Swami Somdev. In that poem he showed his commitment to root out the British Empire from India.

Firm resolve

Swami Somdev read the poem and said- "Ram Prasad! I know that you are very much hurt by heart and accordingly you have chosen your pen name as 'Bismil'. Your poem is also full of patriotic feelings and your views are very clear but, my dear child! it is not so easy to fulfill the commitment until a solid determination does not sustain in your heart and mind." In spite of arguments and counter-arguments from the Swami, Bismil did not deviate from his commitment. When Swami Somdev saw a burning flame of revolution in his eyes, he advised him to prepare himself politically and go to Lucknow to participate actively in the next Indian National Congress of 1916.

In Lucknow Congress

Next year Bismil left the school and went to Lucknow with his friends. The Liberal group was not prepared to allow Moderate group for any type of welcome of Tilak in the city. Bismil and a senior student of M.A. laid down the car of Tilak and lead the overwhelming procession of Bal Gangadhar Tilak in whole of the city. Bismil was highlighted there and so many youths from all over India became his fans. They organised a group of youths and decided to publish a book in Hindi on the history of American independence, America Ki Swatantrata Ka Itihas, with the consent of Swami Somdev. This book was published with a fictitious name of Babu Harivans Sahai, B.A. and its publisher's name was given as Somdev Siddhgopal Shukla. As soon as the book was published, the then U.P. Government proscribed it to be sold anywhere in the state.

Revolutionary actions in Mainpuri

Bismil formed a revolutionary organization in the name of Matrivedi (en.Altar of Motherland) and contacted Pt. Genda Lal Dixit who was a school teacher at Auraiya. Reference of Dixit was given to him by his mentor Som Dev.

Joint actions

Till then Bismil had collected some weapons also. Som Dev knew that Bismil could be more offensive in his mission if a matured and experienced person supported him. Genda Lal had contacts with some powerful decoits of the state.

He wanted to utilize their power in the armed struggle against the British rulers. Like Bismil, Dixit had also formed an armed organisation of youths called Shivaji Samiti (named after Shivaji). When Bismil told Dixit that his ancestors belonged to the notorious area of Central Province known for bravery, Dixit was happy and he accepted the offer. After that they organised youths of Etawah, Mainpuri, Agra and Shahjahanpur districts of United Province (now Uttar Pradesh) to strengthen the organisation.

Absconded from Delhi Congress

On 28 January 1918 'Bismil' published a pamphlet titled "Deshvasiyon Ke Nam Sandesh" (en.A Message to Countrymen) and distributed it amongst public along with his poem "Mainpuri Ki Pratigya" (en.Vow of Mainpuri). In order to collect funds for the party looting was undertaken on three occasions in 1918. Police searched for them in and around Mainpuri while they were selling the books proscribed by the U.P. Government in the Delhi Congress of 1918. When police found them, Bismil absconded with the books unsold. When he was planning another looting between Delhi and Agra, a police team arrived and firing started from both the sides. Bismil was very cautious: he jumped into the river Yamuna and swam underwater. The police and his companions thought that he had died in the encounter. Dixit was arrested along with his other companions and he was kept in Agra fort from which Dixit fled and lived underground in Delhi. A criminal case was filed against them. It is known as the "Mainpuri Conspiracy" against the British King Emperor. On 1 November 1919 the Judiciary Magistrate of Mainpuri B.S. Chris announced the judgement against all accused and declared Dixit and Bismil as absconders, because they could not be arrested by the police in spite of all efforts.

Underground activities of Bismil

From 1919 to 1920 Bismil remained underground, for sometime in Rampur Jagir/Jahangir village of present Gautam Budh Nagar Distt situated in Greater Noida, sometimes in Kosma village of Mainpuri district, sometimes in Bah and Pinahat of Agra Distt (all in the U.P. state). He also went to his paternal village Barbai in Morena district of M.P. state to take some money from his mother. While living underground he wrote several books: Man Ki Lahar - a collection of poems, Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot - a revolutionary novel, Yogik Sadhan - a booklet of yoga defining how to create a firm resolve in one's mind, and Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi - a consigned autobiography of Catherine, the grandmother of the Russian Revolution. Out of these books only Man Ki Lahar was a collection of poems written by 'Bismil' and his contemporary poets, whereas Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot and Yogik Sadhan were translated from Bengali and the Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi was fabricated from English.

Translation of Bengali books

The way he wrote these books was not so easy. As he has mentioned in his autobiography, he used to go to the arid land pasture and let the cattle loose to graze. Then he would settle down under a Babul tree with an exercise book and a pencil to translate the Bengali books. After completing some translation he used see if the cattle are grazing peacefully or not. Sometimes when the cattle were not visible nearby Bismil used to recall them with a stick and retrieve them back to the range of his voice command. He would spend most of his time to translate the books and the least to his daily routine for the monotonous meals which he also used to make himself.

Publication of books

He got all these books published through his own resources under Sushilmala - a series of publications except one Yogik Sadhan which was given to a publisher who was absconded and could not be traced out. These books have been discovered by 'Krant' M. L. Verma and are available in the libraries. Catherine or Swadhinta Ki Devi and Yogik Sadhan are compiled and edited in Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna (Vol. 3) whereas Man Ki Lahar and Bolshevikon Ki Kartoot are published separately. Another of Bismil's books, Kranti Geetanjali, was published in 1929 after his death and was proscribed by British Raj in 1931. The Archives of India got this book under their Accession No 961. Now this book has been published in India and is available in the libraries.

Formation of Hindustan Republican Association

In February 1920, when all the prisoners of Mainpuri Conspiracy Case were released under government proclamation, Bismil returned to his native place Shahjahanpur and met the District Authorities. They allowed Bismil to live peacefully after taking an affidavit of undertaking from him declaring therein not to participate in any such revolutionary activity.

Back to home

He joined Bharat Silk Manufacturing Co. as a manager for sometimes and after that started a business of silk sarees in the partnership of Banarsi Lal. Banarsi Lal and Bismil had been associated with the District Congress Committee of Shahjahanpur. Although Bismil earned good money in the business yet he was not satisfied because his earlier commitment to get out British rulers from India was not fulfilled.

In Ahmedabad Congress

In 1921 Bismil attended Ahmedabad Congress along with many volunteers from Shahjahanpur and occupied a place on the dias. A senior congressman Prem Krishna Khanna and revolutionary Ashfaqulla Khan was also with him. Bismil played an active role in the Congress with Maulana Hasrat Mohani and got the most debated proposal of Poorn Swaraj passed in the General Body meeting of Congress. Mohandas K. Gandhi, who was not in the favour of this proposal became quite helpless before the overwhelming demand of youths. It was another victory of Bismil against the Liberal Group of Congress. He returned to Shahjahanpur and mobilised the youths of United Province for non-cooperation with the Government. The people of U.P. were so much influenced by the furious speeches and verses of Bismil that they became hostile against British Raj.

Opposition of Gandhi in Gaya Congress

In February 1922 some agitating farmers were killed in Chauri Chaura by the police. The police station of Chauri Chaura was attacked by the people and 22 policemen were burnt alive. Gandhi, without ascertaining the facts behind this incident, declared an immediate stop the non-cooperation movement without consulting any executive committee member of the Congress. Bismil and his group of youths strongly opposed Gandhi in the Gaya session of Indian National Congress (1922). When Gandhi refused to rescind his decision, its existing president Chittranjan Das resigned and the Indian National Congress was divided into two groups - one liberal and the other for rebellion. In January 1923, the rich group of party formed a new Swaraj Party under the joint leadership of Pt. Moti Lal Nehru and Chittranjan Das, and the youth group formed a revolutionary party under the leadership of Bismil.

Yellow Paper constitution

With the consent of Lala Har Dayal, Bismil went to Allahabad where he drafted the constitution of the party in 1923 with the help of Sachindra Nath Sanyal and another revolutionary of Bengal, Dr. Jadugopal Mukherjee. The basic name and aims of the organisation were typed on a Yellow Paper and later on a subsequent Constitutional Committee Meeting was conducted on 3 October 1924 at Kanpur in U.P. under the Chairmanship of Sachindra Nath Sanyal.

Sharing responsibility

This meeting decided the name of the party would be the Hindustan Republican Association (HRA). After a long discussion from others Bismil was declared there the District Organiser of Shahjahanpur and Chief of Arms Division. An additional responsibility of Provincial Organiser of United Province (Agra and Oudh) was also entrusted to him. Sachindra Nath Sanyal, was anonymously nominated as National Organiser and another senior member Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee, was given the responsibility of Coordinator, Anushilan Samiti. After attending the meeting in Kanpur, both Sanyal and Chatterjee left the U.P. and proceeded to Bengal for further extension of the organisation.

Publication of "The Revolutionary"

A pamphlet titled "The Revolutionary" was published in January 1925 under a fictitious name, Vijay Kumar and was circulated all over India. It was a pamphlet of four pages wherein the programme or manifesto of the revolutionaries was declared with a promise to Indian public for equal opportunity to every man irrespective of social status high or low, rich or poor. Policies of Mohandas Gandhi were openly criticised and youths were called to join the organisation. The police were astonished to see the language of pamphlet and sought its leader in Bengal. Sachindra Nath Sanyal had gone to despatch this pamphlet in a bulk and was arrested in Bankura, West Bengal. Before Sanyal's arrest Jogesh Chandra Chatterjee had also gone in the hands of police at Howrah railway station of Calcutta in Bengal.

Objectives and ideology of HRA

The immediate objective of the HRA in the domain of politics was to establish a "Federal Republic of the United States of India by an organised and armed revolution".

Tactics defined

Armed struggle, terrorism and retaliatory strikes were the favoured tactics in the attempt to defeat the British Empire. Its manifesto declared:

"The Official terrorism is surely to be met with counter terrorism. A spirit of utter helplessness pervades every strata of our society and terrorism is an effective means of restoring the proper spirits in the society without which progress will be difficult.... This revolutionary party has deliberatly abstained itself from entering into this terrorist campaign at the present moment even at the greatest of the provocations in the form of outrages committed on their sisters and mothers by the agent of a foreign government simply because the party is waiting to deliver the final blow. But when expediency will demand it the party will unhesitatingly enter into a desperate campaign of terrorism, when the life of every officer and individual helping the foreign government will be made intolerable...."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Nationalisation of big sectors

In the manifesto their methodology and ideology was also clarified by saying that the final constitution shall be framed only when their representatives elected by the public will have the power to do so. In order to avoid the exploitation of a man by a man the party had proposed the nationalisation of big sectors:

"The railways and other means of transportation and communication,the mines and other kinds of very great industries such as the manufactures of steel and ships, all these shall be nationalised. In the public, the electors shall have the right to recall their representatives if so desired otherwise the democracy shall become a mockery.... Instead of private and unorganised business enterprise, the Party prefers co-operative unions".... "The Indian revolutionaries are neither terrorists nor anarchists.... They do not believe terrorism alone can bring independence and do not want terrorism for terrorism's sake."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Rebuking M.K.Gandhi

Notwithstanding their ideology and its consequences,they had also rebuked the leaders of the country viz. M.K.Gandhi:

"It is a self-deception to say that India's political liberty can be attained through peaceful and legitimate means. When the enemy is determined to break the peace at his own convenience, the fine phrase "legitimate" loses all its charm and significance when one pledges himself to maintain peace at all costs." "Our public leaders hesitate to speak in plain terms that India wants complete autonomy free from foreign control. They perhaps are ignorant of the fact that nations are born through the inspiration of great ideals. The spiritual ideal which hestitates to accept the spirit of complete autonomy can hardly be called spirititual, though it may seemingly appear the most unmistakable terms and to place before the nation an ideal worth the name."

— "The Revolutionary" India 1 January 1925

Other aims

The HRA was socialist on the footprints of Indian sages in its attitude as its manifesto stated. Amongst other goals stated in the manifesto were Universal Suffrage, supremacy of the legislature and religious freedom.

Kakori conspiracy

After arrest of both the senior organiser of HRA total responsibility to run the party had come on the shoulders of Bismil. The District Organisers were demanding money. They were writing very sensitive letters to him: "Pandit Ji! we are dying with hunger, please do something." As a result he was feeling himself guilty for their pitiable condition.

On the way of Irish revolution

He decided to collect money like Irish revolutionaries by stealing from the rich people of society. So he looted the money at Bichpuri in Pilibhit Distt. and at Dwarkapur in Pratapgarh Distt of U.P., but not enough money was received in either of these actions.

Action of Kakori

Bismil executed a meticulous plan for looting the government treasury carried in a train at Kakori, near Lucknow in U.P. This historical event happened on August 9, 1925 and is known as the Kakori conspiracy. Only ten revolutionaries stopped the 8 Down Saharanpur-Lucknow passenger train at Kakori - a station just before the Lucknow Railway Junction. German-made Mauser C96 semi-automatic pistols were used in this action. Ashfaqulla Khan, the lieutenant of the HRA Chief Ram Prasad Bismil gave away his Mauser to Manmath Nath Gupta and engaged himself to break open the cash chest. Eagerly watching a new weapon in his hand, Manmath Nath Gupta fired the pistol and incidentally a passenger Ahmed Ali, who got down the train to see his wife in ladies compartment, was killed in this rapid action.

Arrest & filing of criminal case

The incident created a great upheaval in British India. The retribution was severe when more than 40 revolutionaries were arrested from all over India. As per official record of the British Government, a criminal conspiracy case was filed against 28 active members of HRA by the Special Magistrate Ainuddin after a long time. 21 persons were presented before Session Court of Special Judge A. Hamilton on 21 May 1926. Abbas Salim Khan, Banvari Lal Bhargava, Gyan Chattarji and Mohd. Ayuf were the assessors (legal advisers) of the Judge.

Verdict of case

On April 6, 1927 the verdict of court came out of the special court of Lucknow. This special court was established by the then British Government in the Ring Theatre. During the British rule, this Ring Theater was situated in between two important monuments - Kothi Hayat Baksh and Mallika Ahad's palace. This building was used by the Britishers for their entertainment. The English dramas were played and movies were screened. A board was put at the entrance which read "Dogs and Indians not allowed". The famous Kakori trial happened at this Theater. Govind Vallabh Pant, Chandra Bhanu Gupta, Mohan Lal Saxena and Kripa Shankar Hajela fought for the accused viz. Ram Prasad Bismil, Roshan Singh & Ashfaquallah Khan, etc. During the years 1929-1932 this Theater was transformed into the present General Post Office. It is situated on the main Vidhan Sabha Road, opposite to Capital Picture Hall and Christ Church of the main Hazratganj crossing. A stone embedded on the main gate of the GPO dates the buildings as 1929-1932. Court's verdict was published in 115 pages and the charges were proved in such a manner that no body could escape the punishment.

Supplementary case decision and appeal in Chief Court

Another supplementary case was filed against Ashfaqulla Khan and Shachindra Nath Bakshi in the court of Special Sessions Judge J.R.W. Bennett. An appeal was filed in the then Chief Court of Oudh (now in U.P.) on 18 July 1927. A very senior advocate Pt. Jagat Narayan Mulla pleaded the case as public prosecutor on behalf of the Government whereas Ram Prasad Bismil defended his case himself. He did not take any help from the Government.

Chief Court's decision and mercy appeal

On 22 August 1927 the Chief Court endorsed the original judgement with an exception of one or two punishments. A mercy appeal was filed in due course before the Provincial Governor of U.P. by the members of legislative council which was dismissed. Bismil wrote a letter to Pt. Madan Mohan Malviya on 9 September 1927 from the Gorakhpur Jail.

Madan Mohan Malviya's joint memorendum

Malviya sent a memorandum to the then Viceroy and Governor General of India Edward Fredrick Lindley Wood with the signatures of 78 Members of Central Legislature, which was also turned down. On 16 September 1927 the final mercy appeal was forwarded to Privy Council at London and to the King Emperor through a famous lawyer of England S.L. Polak but the British Government, who had already decided to hang them, sent their final decision to the India office of Viceroy that all the four condemned prisoners are now to be hanged till death by 19 December 1927 positively.

Final execution

In an 18-month long drawn case, Ram Prasad Bismil, Ashfaqulla Khan, Thakur Roshan Singh and Rajendra Nath Lahiri were sentenced to death under section 121(A), 120(B), 302 and 396 of Indian Penal Code. Bismil was hanged by the British authorities on 19 December 1927 in the morning at Gorakhpur Jail, Ashfaqulla Khan at the Faizabad Jail and Thakur Roshan Singh at Naini Allahabad Jail whereas fourth Rajendra Nath Lahiri was hanged on 17 December 1927 (two days before the scheduled date) at Gonda Jail; all located in the present Indian state of Uttar Pradesh.

End of the play

On 19 December 1927 Bismil woke up at 3.30 a.m. as usual in the morning, did his formal duties of daily routine, meditated for half an hour, bore new dhoti-kurta and sat in the waiting of his long awaited beloved death. At the appropriate time the Magistrate came along with the jailor, unlocked the condemned cell and asked Bismil to get ready. The Magistrate was austonished to see him smiling. Bismil rose up immediately and said - "Let us move!"

Last wish

He went cheerfully up to the gallows saying his last good bye to whomsoever met in the way. He stood up at the altar of gallows, kissed the noose and spoke very loudly his last wish - "I wish the downfall of British Empire!" Then he whispered the vedic prayer "Om vishvaani dev savitur duritaani paraasuv, yad bhadram tann aasuv." (en.O God of all creature! let the ill will be removed and the good prevail in our souls.) and put the noose around his neck like a garland.
The hangman pulled the lever of gallows and the body of Bismil hanged in the open air. For half an hour he was kept hanging to safeguard the certainty of death. In this way a daredevil son of Mother India departed for the common cause of every Indian's freedom.

Dead body's procession

Looking into the huge rush at the main gate of the jail authorities broke open the wall in front of gallows, the dead body was brought out and handed over to his parents Murlidhar and Moolmati. A huge rush of about 1.5 lakhs of people had gathered from all over the country. They took the dead body of their departed brother Ram Prasad and carried it to the bank of Rapti under a grand procession.

As seen in these pictures the prominent personalities like notable Hindi writer Mahavir Prasad Dwivedi founder editor of Kalyan Hanuman Prasad Poddar and politician Govind Ballabh Pant participated in the procession and remained there till the list rites cerimonials.

Last rites at Rajghat Gorakhpur

The dead body of Bismil was kept at Ghantaghar of Gorakhpur for the last view of the public in the City. From there it was taken to the Rapti river where the last funeral of this great martyr was performed under the proper Vedic Cremation System on the bank of the river. The place, where the ritual obligations of Bismil were done, was named by public as Rajghat. A new Transport Nagar has been developed in the side bye area of this place. A Rajghat police station has also been established there to commemorate the historical place.

Books of Bismil released in his centenary year

Bismil was born in 1897 and was hanged by the cruel British Empire in 1927, thus he lived a very short life of 30 years. Out of this 30 year, he dedicated 11 years of his valuable life in the selfless service of his fellow countrymen to make their life better. He wrote so many books but only 11 books could be published. All of these books were proscribed by the British Raj. Only few of them were kept hidden in the rare and old libraries.

Atal Bihari Vajpayee speaks on the occasion

A freelancer research scholar 'Krant' M.L. Verma tried to bring out these books and the success came to his hands when he could search five books and almost 200 poems written by Bismil. A Delhi-based publisher Praveen Prakashan published the research work in four volumes under a title of Sarfaroshi Ki Tamanna. The books of Bismil were released on the eve of Bismil Centenary Year, i.e., 19 December 1996 (since he was martyred on 19 December 1897) by former Prime Minister of India, Atal Bihari Vajpayee. Speaking on the occasion Vajpayee said that we have not done justice with the revolutionaries who had given everything of their life for our betterment. The excessive propagada of non-violence has also spoiled the contribution of revolutionaries in the Indian Independence Movement. If Bismil had not taken the immediate initiative after 1922's Chauri Chaura incident and the Indian Navy had not revolt after Second World War in 1946, the Britishers would have never left India. He described the task of the author as a monumental work.

RSS chief attends the event

Prof. Rajendra Singh alias Rajju Bhaiya the then Sarsanghchalak (en. paramount leader of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), who has also written the foreword of this book, spoke on the occasion that Bismil was the man who patronised the Aryan race and led the national revolution in freedom movement of India. Reviewing the books of Bismil, Indian journalist Ved Pratap Vaidik said that Urdu poetry of Bismil was parallel to the Ghalib. His literary evaluation requires a serious attention from the critics.

Statue of Bismil

Shaheed Smarak Samiti of Shahjahanpur established a memorial at Khirni Bagh mohalla of Shahjahanpur city where Bismil was born in 1897 and named it "Amar Shaheed Ram Prasad Bismil Smarak". A statue made of white marble was inaugurated by the then Governor of Uttar Pradesh Motilal Vora on 19 December 1994 on the 68th martyr's day of Bismil.


Ram Prasad Bismil

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Tatya Tope alias Ramchandra Pandurang Tope was born around 1813 in an orthodox Deshasth Brahmin family in Pune. His father, Pandurang Rao Tope, was an important noble at the court of the Peshwa Baji Rao II. He shifted his family with the ill-fated Peshwa to Bithur where his son became the most intimate friend of the Peshwa's adopted son, Nana Dhondu Pant. The other associates of Tatya Tope were Rao Sahib and Rani Lakshmi Bai. 
In 1851, when Lord Dalhousie deprived Nana Sahib of his father's pension, Tatya Tope also became a sworn enemy of the British. He co-operated with Nana Sahib in organising an anti-British upsurge secretly in collaboration with other aggrieved persons. In May 1857, when the political storm was gaining momentum, Tatya Tope won over the Bharatiya troops of the East India company, stationed at Kanpur, established Nana Sahib's authority and became the Commander-in-Chief of his revolutionary forces. In the military encounters that followed he emerged as a gifted tactician with a marvellous organising skill and as an unsurpassed guerrilla warrior with lightning speed. 
Tatya Tope joined hands with Rani Lakshmi Bai After the reoccupation of Kanpur by the British and kindled a revolt in Bundelkhand. 
Then he reached Gwalior where he declared Nana Sahib as Peshwa with the support of the Gwalior contingent. But before he could consolidate his position he was defeated by General Rose in a memorable battle in which Rani Lakshmi Bai suffered martyrdom. The fall of Gwalior was a turning point in the career of Tatya Tope. Thereafter commenced his remarkable feats of guerrilla warfare over very vast regions of Central India, Malwa, Bundel-khand, Rajputana and Khandesh, from the recesses of the Vindhyas to the gorges of the Aravali, harassing and perplexing the British and their allies. Pursued from June 1858 to April 1859 by nearly half of the British forces in India under their ablest generals enjoying the fullest support of their military intelligence, he outmaneuvred them several times.
Tatya Tope could not be captured in the marathon chase of about 2,800 miles horizontally and vertically through forests, hills, dales and across the swollen rivers. At last he was betrayed by his trusted friend Mansingh. The British army captured him on 7th April 1859. He admitted boldly, "What I did, was for my mother and I have no regrets". He was hanged on 18th April 1859 and the sun set forever on the First War of Bharatiya Independence.

Tatya Tope

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Lajpat Rai was born on 28th Jan, 1865 at a village named Dhudike in Ferozepur District of Punjab. His father,Munshi Radha Krishan Azad was a great scholar of Persian and Urdu. Lalaji's mother, Shrimati Gulab Devi, a strict religious lady, inculcated in her children strong morals values. Lalaji was brought up in a family background that allowed freedom of having different faiths and beliefs. Since childhood he had a desire to serve his country and its people, and therefore took a pledge to free it from foreign rule.

In 1884 his father was transferred to Rohtak and Lala Lajpat Rai came along. He became the secretary of Arya Samaj in Rohtak. In 1886 he passed his Law exams and he started his practice in Rohtak but moved to Hissar where some of his friends were also practicing Law. Lalaji's early legal practice at Hissar was very successful. His life of six years in Hissar became the apprenticeship for public service. He was elected to the Hissar municipality as a member and later as secretary. Besides practicing, Lalaji collected funds for the Daya Nand College, attended Arya Samaj functions. After the death of Swami Dayananda, Lalaji with his associates toiled to develop the Anglo-Vedic College. He came in contact with all the important Arya Samajis there.
In Hissar Lalaji started attending the meetings of the Congress Party and became an active worker in the Hissar-Rohtak region. When the Lieutenant Governor visited Hissar, Lalaji pleaded that the Welcome Address to be presented to him should be in Urdu. To satisfy the British officer a speech had already been prepared in English. Lalaji's suggestion made everyone nervous. But without a trace of fear, he presented the Address in Urdu and there by invited the wrath of the British.

Lala Lajpat Rai shifted to Lahore in 1892. Lalaji provided immense service toward the famine relief efforts during the famines of 1897 and 1899. He mobilized D A V college students and went to Bikaner and other areas of Rajasthan to rescue destitute children and bring them to Lahore. He believed that "a nation that does not protect its own orphan children cannot command respect at the hands of other people." When people fleeing the famine reached Lahore, they spent their first night at Lalaji's house. In 1898, Lalaji curtailed his legal practice and vowed to devote all his energy for the nation. The Kangra district of Panjab suffered destruction in the earthquake of 1905. Lalaji was there once again, organizing relief for extricating people from the debris.

His activities were multifarious. He was an ardent social reformer. He founded the Indian Home Rule League of America in October 1917, in New York and, a year later, he also set up, with himself as Director, the "Indian Information Bureau" in New York to serve as a Publicity Organization for India. Lala Lajpat Rai returned to India on Feb.20, 1920 as a great hero.
He plunged into Gandhi's non-cooperation movement, which in Panjab, under Lajpat Rai's leadership spread like wildfire in the province, and he soon came to be known as "The Lion of Panjab" or "Panjab Kesri". He traveled far and wide in India and his eloquence brought hundreds to the Congress fold. Lalaji injected new life in his countrymen. His writings and speeches were both hard hitting and effective. They swayed those they aimed to reach. He was a crusader, who knew no fear and championed every worthy cause with all the passion of his soul.

His love for service was insatiable. He founded educational institutions. He befriended the suppressed classes. In the political field he was indispensable. Lala Lajpat Rai's supreme sacrifice came when he led a procession in Lahore on Oct.30, 1928 to boycott the Simon Commission. The procession was sought to be broken up by the police and Lajpat Rai received lathi blows. While Lalaji tried his level best to keep the demonstration peaceful, the police targeted him and wounded him on his chest. The people were enraged at this insult and held a meeting the same evening. Lalaji, though in intense pain, gave a speech and declared "...every blow aimed at me is a nail in the coffin of British Imperialism....".


He recovered from the wounds left by the British but he remained emotionally scarred at the brutality of the "civilized" British. Why had he been specifically targeted by the British? Why had they lathi- charged against a peaceful gathering. These thoughts racked his spirit till the very end. Lalaji died on November 17, 1928 of heart failure.

Lajpat Rai

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Thursday, July 25, 2013


Shiv Ram Hari Rajguru was born in an average middle-class Hindu Brahmin family at Khed in Poona district in 1906. He came to Varanasi at a very early age where he learnt Sanskrit and read the Hindu religious scriptures. He had a good memory and learnt by heart the Laghu Siddhant Kaumudi. He loved physical exercises and was associated with a number of such associations. He had great admiration for Shivaji and his guerilla tactics.
At Varanasi, he came in contact with revolutionaries. He joined the movement and became an active member of the Hindustan Socialist Republican Army (H.S.R.A). He was known in the party under the pseudonym of Raghunath. Rajguru had fearless spirit and indomitable courage. The only object of his adoration and worship was his motherland for whose liberation he considered no sacrifice too great. He was a close associate of Chandra Shekhar Azad, Sardar Bhagat Singh and Jatin Das and his field of activity was U.P and Punjab, with Kanpur, Agra and Lahore as his headquarters. Rajguru was a good shot and was regarded as the gunman of the party. He took part in various activities of the revolutionary movement, the most important being Saunders murder. Lala Lajpat Rai, an eminent nationalist leader and popular amongst the revolutionaries, was fatally wounded in a police lathi- charge on 20 October 1928, while leading a procession against the Simon Commission, and died on 17 November 1928. The revolutionaries planned to avenge Lalajis death by killing the Police Superintendent, Scott and the Deputy Superitendent of Police, Saunders who were responsible for the lathi charge leading to the death of Lalaji. Chandra Shekhar Azad, Shiv Ram Rajguru, Bhagat Singh and Jai Gopal were deputed for the work. On 17 December 1928, while Saunders came out of his office and started his motor- cycle, he was shot dead in front of the police headquarters at Lahore by Rajguru. Azad shot dead Channan Singh, a Head Constable, who wanted to chase the three revolutionaries. All of them escaped through the D.A.V. College compound: The same night posters of the HSRA declaring Saunders is dead. Lalaji is avenged were put up throughout the city of Lahore. On 20 December, Rajguru left Lahore disguised as Bhagat Singhs servant, who travelled in a first class compartment with the wife and the young son of the revolutionary Bhagawati Charan. He left Bhagat Singh at Lucknow and went underground.
Later Bhagat Singh was arrested in the Assembly Bomb Case and several other revolutionaries were arrested with the help of approvers (Jai Gopal, Phanindra Nath and Hansraj Vohra). Rajguru was arrested at Poon on 30 September 1929 and a revolver with fourteen cartridges was recovered from a box where he was sleeping. The Government started a case against sixteen persons (including Rajguru), known as the Lahore Conspiracy Case. Judgement was delivered on 7 October 1930, Sardar Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev and Rajguru were sentenced to death and the other accused were awarded various terms of imprisonment. The whole nation was awakened and the names of Bhagat Singh, Rajguru and Sukhdev became as popular as that of Mahatma Gandhi. Meetings, processions and representations were made for commutation of their death sentence. Mahatma Gandhi and the leaders of the Indian National Congress attempted to save their lives, but they failed. An appeal to the Privy Council was alos rejected. Rajguru along with his two comrades was hanged in the Lahore jail in the evening of 23 March 1931 and their bodies were burnt under police supervision. At the time of his martyrdom, Rajguru was hardly twenty- three years of age.
The execution of the young revolutionaries was regarded as a national disaster and national mourning was observed throughout the country. The A.I.C.C session at Karachi (1931) met under gloom and passed a resolution placing on record its admiration of the bravery and sacrifice of the late Sardar Bhagat Singh and his comrades Sukhdev and Rajguru and mourning with the bereaved families the loss of these lives. The Congress is of opinion that the triple execution is an act of wanton vengeance and is a deliberate flounting of the unanmious demand of the nation for commutation.

Shiv Ram Hari Rajguru

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Indira Gandhi is born in November 19, 1917 Became Presidentship of Asian Domestic Legislature in 1959; was Parson of Accumulation and Broadcasting in Lal Bahadur Shastri's regime; became Period Pastor in 1966; nationalized subject phytologist in 1969; gave the shibboleth of Garibi Hatao during 1971 head elections; led India to a determining war against Pakistan in 1971. Indira Solon, one of the best-known women of the 20th century, was Maturity Diplomat of Bharat, and daughter of other Prime Reverend Jawaharlal Nehru. Also renowned as Indira Nehru Statesman, she was dropped on Nov 19, 1917 in Allahabad. She was whelped in a bloodline that was at the area of Amerindian freedom shitting. Her dysphemism Jawaharlal Statesman and grandfather Motilal Solon were at the position of Asiatic freedom endeavour. Her overprotect Kamla Nehru, tho' little involved politically, was somebody to governmental pull by the Brits.

Indira Gandhi had a unsocial childhood, with whatsoever of her most vivid remembrances beingness the accounting into her institution of Nation policemen. As her parents did not necessary to channelize her to any of the British schools in India Indira Solon's training took localise tutorials interspersed between periods at train. Indira GandhiIndira Statesman united a Parsi titled Feroze Solon in 1942. The ritual was anti by monotheism Hindus because it was an intercommunal love marriage not set by her parents. Jawaharlal Statesman too anti the family on settlings that the pair were somewhat unsuited because both possessed fiery tempers. Publicly, notwithstanding, both Jawaharlal Statesman and Mahatma Gandhi strenuously defended the matrimony.

Shortly after their rite both Indira Solon and Feroze Statesman were inactive and jailed for nationalist activities. Indira Gandhi was released after viii months and Feroze Gandhi after an year. After the channel Feroze Statesman became application of The Subject Recognise, a publisher founded by Jawaharlal Solon, and Mrs. Indira Solon became the thespian confidant and assistant of her priest during the point of Nehru's undercoat ministership (1947-1965). The twain distributed for a name of period during the 1950s as Feroze Solon launched his own semipolitical advance (from a hunch commencement) in 1960, and the consequent change of her chief in 1964, caused Indira Statesman to retire into a casing and ending herself to her unmediated kinfolk.

After the dying of Jawaharlal Statesman, Lal Bahadur Shastri became Undercoat Minister and Indira Statesman was the clergyman of Substance and Broadcasting in his governance. After Lal Bahadur Shastri's untimely dying in 1966, she was designated as maturity parson by company bosses within the Legislature Set as a cooperation pol. Her candidature was conflicting by Morarji Desai, a oldtimer subject and efflorescence ministerial wannabee himself. The Congress bosses were seemingly sensing for a major illustration acceptable to the grouping, who could not only enjoin comprehensive sustain during the incoming broad election but who would also acquiesce to their counselling. In her initial days as Bloom Reverend, Indira Solon encountered numerous problems specified as Mizo tribal uprisings in the northeast; shortage, dig unrest,and pious structure.

In the quarter pandemic elections held in 1967, Legislature suffered a study setback. Legislature eld was greatly reduced in parliament and non-Congress ministries were planted in State, Kerala, Province, State, Punjab, and Westmost Bengal. This strained Mrs. Indira Gandhi to turn imperative and opt for a periodical of choices that pitted her directly against the Congress Recipient alto overtop, which had previously been built up by her begetter. Hunt to destruct impoverishment, Mrs. Statesman pursued a vigorous policy in 1969 of area improve and placed a control on personalised income, personal prop, and corporate profits. She also nationalized the better phytologist, a forward interval (O)-for Organisation-led by Morarji Desai, and the Congress (I)--for Indira-led by Indira Gandhi.

Indira Solon campaigned fiercely on the catchword of "Garibi Hatao" (extinguish impoverishment) during the fifth unspecialised elections in Mar 1971 and won an new two-third eld. Her leading qualities came to the anterior during India-Pakistan war in 1971 that resulted in achievement of Bangladesh. India achieved determinant ending over Pakistan in the confronting of politic action from both China and the Tied States and a demand of global backing from near every additional commonwealth omit the Country Brotherhood and the Orient Bloc countries. Amerindian success over Pakistan led to a great uprise in Indira Gandhi's popularity and she was compared to Goddess Durga by trivial Indians.

Expectations raised by the garibi hatao campaign Indira Gandhi ji and India's conclusion over Pakistan in 1971 led to eager dissatisfaction and political difficulties in the mid-1970s. Large scheme value of 1971 war, process in grouping oil prices and, discharge in progressive production added to the scheme hardships. During this indication J.P.Narayan initiated a civil insubordination defecation against Indira Solon. In June 1975, amidst all this crises Allahabad Eminent Hotel invalidated her 1971 election on the sediment of electoral malpractices. Instead of resigning, Indira Gandhi declared an Exigency in the country and jailed al her semipolitical opponents. The Brake lasted dirt District 1977 and in the generic election held afterwards she was people by a alignment of parties titled Janta Morcha.

Factionalism among organisation partners led to the founder of Janta governance and Indira Gandhi came posterior to the force formerly again in 1980. But her indorsement innings was assault with difficulties and ain tragedies. Her junior son Sanjay Gandhi died in an air hurl. Her governing was confronted with capital challenges to its noesis to reassert law and tell as conflicts between sacred and social groups poor out in dissimilar parts of the country. After the service had invaded the Prosperous Tabernacle in Amritsar, the leader enclose of the Sikhs, which had been held as an setaceous bivouac by a group of activist Sikhs, she became the take for Disciple anger and on 31 October 1984 she was assassinated by her own Faith bodyguard.

Indira Gandhi

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Tuesday, July 23, 2013
Gopal Krishna Gokhale


Date of Birth : May 9, 1866 Date of Death : 1915 Place of Birth : Maharashtra
Gopal Krishna Gokhale was born on May 9, 1866, in Ratnagiri, Maharashtra, and he became one of the most learned men in India, a leader of social and political reformists and one of the earliest, founding leaders of the Indian Independence Movement. Gokhale was a senior leader of the Indian National Congress and the Servants of India Society. The latter was committed to only social reform, but the Congress Party in Gokhale’s time was the main vehicle for Indian political representation. Gokhale was a great, early Indian champion for public education. Being one of the first generations of Indians to receive college education, Gokhale was respected widely in the nascent Indian intellecutal community and acoss India, whose people looked up to him as the least elitist of educated Indians. Coming from a background of poverty, Gokhale was a real man of the people, a hero to young Indians discovering the new age and the prospects of the coming 20th century; he worked amongst common Indians to encourage education, sanitation and public development. He actively spoke against ignorance, casteism and untouchability in Indian society. Gokhale was also reputed for working for trust and friendship between Hindu and Muslim communities. It should be remembered that Gokhale was a pioneer in this work, never done before in Indian history by Indians. Along with distinguished colleagues like Bal Gangadhar Tilak, Dadabhai Naoroji, Bipin Chandra Pal, Lala Lajpat Rai and Annie Besant, Gokhale fought for decades to obtain greater political representation and power over public affairs for common Indians. He was moderate in his views and attitudes, and sought to petition the British authorities, cultivate a process of dialogue and discussion which would yield greater British respect for Indian rights. In 1906, he and Tilak were the respective leaders of the moderates and extremists (now known by the more politically correct term,’aggressive nationalists’) in the Congress. Tilak advocated civil agitation and direct revolution to overthrow the British Empire, and the Congress Party split into two wings. The two sides would patch up in 1916. Gokhale did not support explicit Indian independence, for such an idea was not even understood or expressed until after the World War I.
Gopal Krishna Gokhale’s biggest contribution to India was as a teacher, nurturer of a whole new generation of leaders conscious to their responsibilities to a wider nation. Gokhale was famously a mentor to a young barrister who had been blooded in the work of revolution in South Africa a few years earlier. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi received great warmth and hospitality from Gokhale, including personal guidance, knowledge and understanding of India, the issues of common Indians and Indian politics. By 1920, Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi would become known as Mahatma Gandhi, and ad the leader of nationalist Indians and the largest non-violent revolution in the history of the world. However, Gokhale himself died in 1915. In his autobiography, Gandhi calls Gokhale his mentor and guide, while Mohammed Ali Jinnah, the future founder of Pakistan, in 1912 wanted to become the “Muslim Gokhale,” “Ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity.”

Gopal Krishna Gokhale

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Bal Gangadhar Tilak, was an Indian nationalist, social reformer and freedom fighter who was the first popular leader of the Indian Independence Movement. Tilak sparked the fire for complete independence in Indian consciousness, and is considered the father of Hindu nationalism as well. Swaraj is my birthright, and I shall have it! This famous quote of his is very popular and well-remembered in India even today.
Reverently addressed as Lokmanya (meaning “Beloved of the people” or “Revered by the world”), Tilak was a scholar of Indian history, Sanskrit, Hinduism, mathematics and astronomy. He was born on July 23, 1856, in a village near Ratnagiri, Maharashtra, into a middle class Chitpavan Brahmin family. Tilak was an avid student with a special aptitude for mathematics. He was among India’s first generation of youth to receive a modern, college education. After graduation, Tilak began teaching mathematics in a private school in Pune and later became a journalist. He became a strong critic of the Western education system, feeling it demeaning to Indian students and disrespectful to India’s heritage. He organized the Deccan Education Society to improve the quality of education for India’s youth. Tilak founded the Marathi daily Kesari (The Lion) which fast became a popular reading for the common people of India. Tilak strongly criticized the government for its brutalism in suppression of free expression, especially in face of protests against the division of Bengal in 1905, and for denigrating India’s culture, its people and heritage. He demanded the British immediately give the right to self-government to India’s people. Tilak joined the Indian National Congress in the 1890s, but soon fell into opposition of its liberal-moderate attitude towards the fight for self-government. Tilak opposed the moderate views of Gopal Krishna Gokhale, and was supported by fellow Indian nationalists Bipin Chandra Pal in Bengal and Lala Lajpat Rai in Punjab. In 1907, the Congress Party split into the Garam Dal (literally, “Hot Faction”), led by Tilak, Pal and Lajpat Rai, and the Naram Dal (literally, “Soft Faction”) led by Gokhale during its convention at Surat in Gujarat. When arrested on charges of sedition in 1906, Tilak asked a young Mohammad Ali Jinnah to represent him. But the British judge convicted him and he was imprisoned from 1908 to 1914 in Mandalay, Burma. Upon his release, Tilak re-united with his fellow nationalists and re-united the Indian National Congress in 1916. He also helped found the All India Home Rule League in 1916-18 with Annie Besant and Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Tilak proposed various social reforms, such as a minimum age for marriage, and was especially keen to see a prohibition placed on the sale of alcohol. His thoughts on education and Indian political life have remained highly influential – he was the first Congress leader to suggest that Hindi, written in the devanagari script, should be accepted as the sole national language of India, a policy that was later strongly endorsed by Mahatma Gandhi. However, English, which Tilak wished to remove completely from the Indian mind, remains an important means of communication in India. But the usage of Hindi (and other Indian languages) has been reinforced and widely encouraged since the days of the British Raj, and Tilak’s legacy is often credited with this resurgence. Another of the major contributions relates to the propagation of Sarvajanik (public) Ganesh festival, over 10-11 days from Bhadrapada Shukla (Ganesh) Chaturthi to (Anant) Chaturdashi (in Aug/Sept span), which contributed for people to get together and celebrate the festival and provided a good platform for leaders to inspire masses. His call for boycott of foreign goods also served to inspire patriotism among Indian masses. Tilak was a critic of Mahatma Gandhi’s strategy of non-violent, civil disobedience. Although once considered an extremist revolutionary, in his later years Tilak had considerably mellowed. He favored political dialogue and discussions as a more effective way to obtain political freedom for India, and did not support leaving the British Empire. However, Tilak is considered in many ways to have created the nationalist movement in India, by expanding the struggle for political freedoms and self-government to the common people of India. His writings on Indian culture, history and Hinduism spread a sense of heritage and pride amongst millions of Indians for India’s ancient civilization and glory as a nation.
Tilak was considered the political and spiritual leader of India by many, and Gandhi is considered his successor. When Tilak died in 1920, Gandhi paid his respects at his cremation in Bombay, along with 200,000 people. Gandhi called Tilak “The Maker of Modern India”.
Tilak is also today considered the father of Hindu Nationalism. He was the idol of Indian revolutionary Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, who penned the political doctrine of Hindutva.

Bal Gangadhar Tilak

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Date of Birth : Jul 23, 1906 Date of Death : Feb 27, 1931 Place of Birth : India
Chandrasekhar Azad was a great Indian freedom fighter and revolutionary thinker. Revered for his audacious deeds and fierce patriotism, he was the mentor of Bhagat Singh, the famous Indian martyr. Chandrasekhar Azad is considered one of the greatest Indian freedom fighter along with Bhagat Singh, Sukhdev, Rajguru, Ram Prasad Bismil, and Ashfaqulla Khan. Chandrasekhar Azad’s parents were Pandit Sita Ram Tiwari and Jagrani Devi. He received his early schooling in Bhavra District Jhabua (Madhya Pradesh). For higher studies he went to the Sanskrit Pathashala at Varanasi. Young Azad was one of the young generation of Indians when Mahatma Gandhi launched the Non-Cooperation Movement. But many were disillusioned with the suspension of the struggle in 1922 owing to the Chauri Chaura massacre of 22 policemen. Although Gandhi was appalled by the brutal violence, Azad did not feel that violence was unacceptable in the struggle, especially in view of the Amritsar Massacre of 1919, where Army units killed hundreds of unarmed civilians and wounded thousands in Amritsar. Young Azad and contemporaries like Bhagat Singh were deeply and emotionally influenced by that tragedy. As a revolutionary, he adopted the lastname ‘Azad’, which means “Free” in Urdu.There is an interesting story that while he adopted the name “Azad” he made a pledge that the Police will never capture him alive. Azad and others had committed themselves to absolute independence by any means. He was most famous for The Kakori Rail Dacoity in 1925 and the assassination of the assistant superintendent of Police John Poyantz Saunders in 1928.
Azad and his compatriots would target British officials known for their oppressive actions against ordinary people, or for beating and torturing arrested freedom fighters. Azad was also a believer in socialism as the basis for a future India, free of social and economic oppression and adversity. Bhagat Singh joined Azad following the death of Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian leader who was beaten to death by police officials. Azad trained Singh and others in covert activities, and the latter grew close to him after witnessing his resolve, patriotism and courage. Along with fellow patriots like Rajguru and Sukhdev, Azad and Singh formed the Hindustan Socialist Republican Association, committed to complete Indian independence and socialist principles of for India’s future progress. Betrayed by an informer on 27 February 1931 Azad was encircled by British troops in the Alfred park, Allahabad. He kept on fighting till the last bullet. Azad is a hero to many Indians today. Alfred Park was renamed Chandrasekhar Azad park, as have been scores of schools, colleges, roads and other public institutions across India.

Chandrasekhar Azad

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Monday, July 22, 2013
 

                                         Jawaharlal Nehru



Date of Birth : Nov 14, 1889 Date of Death : May 27, 1964 Place of Birth : Uttar Pradesh Political party : Indian National Congress Took Office : Aug 15, 1947 Left Office : May 27, 1964 Successor : Lal Bahadur Shastri

Jawaharlal Nehru also called Pandit Nehru, was an important leader of the Indian Independence Movement and the Indian National Congress, and became the first Prime Minister of India when India won its independence on August 15, 1947. Jawaharlal Nehru was born on November 14, 1889, to Swaroop Rani, the wife of Motilal Nehru, a wealthy Allahabad based barrister and political leader himself. He was Nehru’s only son amongst three younger daughters. The Nehru family is of Kashmiri lineage and of the Saraswat Brahmin caste. Educated in the finest Indian schools of the time, Nehru returned from education in England at Harrow, Trinity College, Cambridge and the Inner Temple to practice law before following his father into politics. By his parents’ arrangement, Nehru married Kamala Nehru, then seventeen in 1916. At the time of his wedding on 8 February 1916, Jawaharlal was twenty-six, a British-educated barrister. Kamala came from a well-known business family of Kashmiris in Delhi. His father Motilal Nehru was already a prominent figure in the Indian National Congress and had served as its president. Nehru did not share Motilal’s moderate-liberal line.
He began to draw closer to the rising leadership of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi, a former barrister who had won battles for equality and political rights for Indians in South Africa, and had emerged a national hero with the successful struggles in Champaran, Bihar and Kheda in Gujarat. Nehru was instantly attracted to Gandhi’s commitment for active but peaceful, civil disobedience. Gandhi himself saw promise and India’s future in the young Jawaharl Nehru. The Nehru family transformed their lifestyle according to Gandhi’s teachings. Jawaharlal and Motilal Nehru abandoned western clothes and tastes for expensive possessions and pastimes, and adopted Hindi, or Hindustani as their common language of use. Young Jawaharlal now wore a khadi kurta and a Gandhi cap, all white – the new uniform of the Indian nationalist. Nehru was first arrested by the British during the Non-Cooperation Movement (1920-1922), but released after a few months. After Gandhi suspended civil resistance in 1922 as a result of the killing of policemen in Chauri Chaura, thousands of Congressmen were disillusioned.
When Gandhi opposed participation in the newly created legislative councils, many followed leaders like Chittaranjan Das and Motilal Nehru to form the Swaraj Party, which advocated entry but only to sabotage government from within, as a tool to extracting concessions from the British to ensure stability. But Nehru did not join his father and stayed with Gandhi and the Congress. Jawaharlal was elected President of the Allahabad Municipal Corporation in 1924, and served for two years as the city’s chief executive. Upon his release from prison in 1924, Gandhi succeeded in re-uniting the Congress Party and increasing discipline of Congressmen by expanding activities for social reform and the alleviation of India’s poor. From 1926 to 1928, Jawaharlal served as the General Secretary of the All India Congress Committee, an important step in his rise to Congress national leadership. With the Bardoli Satyagraha of 1928, led by the rising nationalist leader Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, the Congress was back in the business of revolution. In 1928-29, the Congress’s annual session under President Motilal Nehru considered the next step. Nehru and Subhas Chandra Bose backed a call for full political independence, while Motilal Nehru and others wanted dominion status within the British Empire.
To resolve the point, Gandhi said that the British would be given two years to grant India dominion status. If they did not, the Congress would launch a national struggle for full, political independence. Nehru and Bose reduced the time of opportunity to one year. The British did not respond. When the Congress convened its session in 1929, Gandhi backed the young Jawaharlal for the Congress presidency. Although confessing embarrassment at his hurried ascent, President Nehru declared India’s independence on January 26, 1930 in Lahore, raised free India’s flag in a large public convention on the banks of the Ravi and inaugurated the struggle. Nehru was arrested in 1930, and during the Salt Satyagraha of 1931 for a number of years. The revolt was an astounding national success. Millions of Indians had participated, and the British were ultimately forced to acknowledge that there was a need for major political reform. When the British promulgated the Government of India Act 1935, the Congress Party decided to contest elections. Nehru stayed out of the elections, but campaigned vigorously nationwide for the party.
The Congress formed governments in almost every province, and won the largest number of seats in the Central Assembly, which the Congress had denounced as powerless. But it was able to exercise control of provincial affairs, giving India its first taste of democratic self-government. Nehru was elected again to the Congress Presidency in 1936, and again in 1937. In his famous speech to the session in Lucknow in 1936, he pushed the passage of the Avadi Resolution which committed the Congress to socialism as the basis of the future agenda of a free India’s government. But the effort was strongly criticized by major Congress leaders, including Gandhi and Sardar Patel, though for different reasons. Nehru transformed his position to commit that the resolution did not in fact bind Congress to socialism, and that the Congress Party’s main goal was independence, not socialism. However, Nehru had grown politically closer to Congress socialists like Jaya Prakash Narayan, Narendra Dev and the liberal-socialist Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. During this period, Nehru also wrote his autobiography in which he vividly describes his struggle for (political) freedom, noting that ‘This book was written entirely in prison’.
It is a very readable and honest account that contains many anecdotes and insights in the political and social circumstances of pre-war India. When World War II broke out, Nehru and the Congress condemned the unilateral decision made by the British viceroy to enter India, but were divided as to what to do about it. Nehru and Patel made an offer of cooperation with the British, promising whole-hearted support if after the war, the British would deliver India’s political freedom. This was opposed by Gandhi, but marked the first occasion when Nehru, and indeed a majority of Congress leaders went against his advice. Several British politicians and British officials backed the offer, considering Indian support valuable, but the bid failed when the British ruled out any political reform. The Congress Party ordered all of its elected members in the Central and provincial assemblies to resign, and another national struggle seemed inevitable. Nehru and Maulana Azad were lukewarm to Gandhi’s call for revolt, still considering it a good possibility that the British would ultimately concede independence for Indian support. Although many other Indian political parties opposed the call, Gandhi and Sardar Patel convinced Nehru and Azad, and the entire Indian National Congress to a final showdown with the British Empire.
The Quit India Movement was launched on August 13, 1942. The Congress made an open call for complete independence immediately. Only an independent India would decide whether India would participate in the war. The Congress asked all Indians to boycott British goods, the institutions and factories run by the British, public services and government programs. Major strikes, protests and demonstrations broke out all over India, and although other political parties did not participate, it proved to be the most forceful revolt in the history of British rule. Gandhi and the entire Congress Working Committee were immediately arrested. The Committee was imprisoned in a fort-turned-prison in Ahmednagar, Maharashtra, separate from Gandhi, who was imprisoned in Pune. The British had made arrangements to deport the leaders if necessary, but felt that then any chance of regaining order would be lost due to public outrage. Outside, hundreds of thousands of Indian freedom fighters were imprisoned, and thousands were killed in police firings. Upon the end of the war, Nehru and the Congress leadership were released. The new Labour Party government of Clement Attlee in the United Kingdom was preparing plans for India’s independence. Imprisoned for a total of over 13 years, he was President of the Congress in 1929, 1936, 1937 and 1947.
He became the Vice President of the Interim Government on September 2, 1946 and later the Prime Minister of Independent India on August 15, 1947. Jawaharlal Nehru served as India’s Prime Minister from August 15, 1947, to May 27, 1964 – the day he died. Nehru loved children; therefore his birthday is observed as Children’s Day. For children, he was Chacha (uncle) Nehru. In 1946, Nehru had moved into the former residence of the British Commander in Chief of the Indian Army on York Road, in Delhi. With independence, this became the official residence of the PM, and after Nehru’s death in 1964, the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. Nehru lived alone initially, but was later joined by his daughter Indira Gandhi, who despite having a young family of her own felt a need to take care of her father’s personal needs. Over the years she became his virtual chief of staff – managing his schedule and appointments, instructing the staff of the residence and often accompanying him on foreign trips and in meetings with world leaders. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru’s administration created the policies that formed the backbone of India’s social and economic development, national defense and position in world affairs for decades, although many times are criticized as very much wrong policies. Nehru also sired the most powerful political dynasty in India’s modern history. His daughter Indira Gandhi would become Prime Minister within two years of his death in 1966, and would serve for 15 years and 3 terms.

Jawaharlal Nehru

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